| From
Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 28, Dated July 19, 2008 |
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| CURRENT
AFFAIRS |
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sri
lanka army |
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Once Bitten,
Never Shy
A covert war against
the LTTE is underway as India deepens its military engagement with Sri
Lanka
PC VINOJ KUMAR
Chennai
SETTING ASIDE domestic
Tamil sensitivities, the Indian government appears to have involved itself
in a full-fledged proxy war in Sri Lanka. While claiming to have adopted
a hands-off policy with regard to its neighbour’s continuing ethnic conflict
between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the forces of
the Sinhalese government, India is extending the latter its covert support.
This was revealed by Sri Lanka’s army chief, Lieutenant General Sarath
Fonseka, last week during an interaction with members of the Foreign Correspondents’
Association in Colombo. “Eight hundred of our officers are trained (in
India) every year; free of cost,” Fonseka is reported to have said. “India
gives them an allowance for the duration of their courses there. The support
from India is huge.”
Fonseka’s remarks
came on the heels of a high-level Indian delegation’s visit to Colombo
at a time when the government troops and the LTTE are locked in a fierce
battle in northern Sri Lanka. The Indian officials’ trip was kept a close
secret. According to media reports, even the Lankan foreign ministry came
to know about the visit of India’s national security adviser, MK Narayanan,
defence secretary Vijay Singh, and foreign secretary Shiv Shankar Menon
only hours after they landed in Colombo on an Indian Air Force plane.
Fonseka, who survived an assassination
attempt last year, has vowed to achieve a military victory against the
LTTE. His confidence stems from his military success against the rebels
in the Eastern provinces last year and covert Indian support to his war
efforts. Fonseka, President Mahinda Rajapakse and his brother and defence
secretary Gotabhaya Rajapakse together form the powerful Colombo triumvirate
that advocates a military solution to the ethnic strife that has claimed
over 70,000 lives in the last three decades. In March, Fonseka made a
six-day state visit to India, during which he met with top defence officials.
Military relations between
India and Sri Lanka have developed over recent years even though the two
countries have not entered any formal cooperation agreement. While many
in Delhi support such an agreement, it has not seen the light of day due
to stiff opposition from political parties in Tamil Nadu. At present,
however, India appears to have cast aside all neutrality in the Tamil-Sinhala
conflict, and adopted a policy best encapsulated by an unnamed military
officer to a news agency on the eve of Fonseka’s Delhi visit: “India
wants to ensure that the Sri Lankan army maintains its upper hand over
the LTTE.”
India’s training
of Sri Lankan army personnel has never been officially confirmed by either
country, until Fonseka’s boast last week. More details of the military
cooperation are, however, emerging. According to a July 1 report in The
Times of India, in 2008-2009 alone, over 500 Lankan army personnel
are to be trained in Indian institutions like the Counter-Insurgency and
Jungle Warfare School at Vairengte in Mizoram and the School of Artillery
at Devlali in Maharashtra. According to the report, about 100 gentlemen
cadets will receive training at the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun,
39 officers at the College of Military Engineering at Pune, 15 in the
School of Artillery at Devlali, 29 in the Mechanised Infantry Regimental
Centre at Ahmednagar, 25 in the College of Materials Management at Jabalpur,
30 in the Electronics and Mechanical Engineering School at Vadodara, and
14 at the Military College of Telecommunication Engineering at Mhow.
Support does not stop at training
alone. India has been supplying ‘defensive’ military equipment
to Sri Lanka, including the indigenouslymanufactured Indra radars. Officially,
India claims it does not supply offensive weapons to Sri Lanka, but there
are strong possibilities of a secret arrangement being in place already.
However, in June last year, when MK Narayanan publicly cautioned Sri Lanka
against purchasing arms from China and Pakistan, he also said it could
approach India for any help it required. Narayanan’s statement could
have meant only one thing, that India was ready to meet Sri Lanka’s
arms demands.
India’s relations
with Sri Lanka is seen by many from the perspective of the Chinese geopolitical
strategy in the region. Sri Lanka has moved closer to China in recent
years, and Rajapakse, who came to power in 2005, has been particularly
adept at playing the China card against India. Sri Lanka figures prominently
in Chinese naval strategy, being part of China’s “string of
pearls” (or strategic bases) starting from the South China Sea and
extending through the Strait of Malacca, Indian Ocean and on to the Arabian
and Persian Gulfs.
Security experts like B. Raman,
a former additional secretary of the Government of India, have been expressing
concern about the Chinese threat. In a recent column, Raman noted: “The
semi-permanent presence, which the Chinese are getting in Sri Lanka, will
bring them within monitoring distance of India’s fast-breeder reactor
complex at Kalpakkam near Chennai, the Russian aided Koodankulam nuclear
power reactor complex in southern Tamil Nadu and India’s space establishments
in Kerala.”
WHILE INDIA’S need to
counter this threat is beyond doubt, sections of those sympathetic to
the Lankan Tamil cause see striking similarities in the present
developments to the situation in the 1980s, in the run-up to the signing
of the Indo-Sri Lanka accord in 1987. In that period, the then Sri Lankan
president, JR Jayawardene, got India embroiled into fighting the LTTE.
The consequences of that flawed intervention, and the immense suffering
it caused Tamils at the hands of the Indian army, are yet to be erased
from the bruised memories of Tamils all over the world. Discontent over
the Centre’s policies in Sri Lanka continues to simmer in Tamil
Nadu, with various parties urging the Indian government to stop military
aid to the country. The LTTE has also made appeals. Following Fonseka’s
visit to Delhi in March, the outfit issued a statement against India’s
growing military aid to Sri Lanka, saying: “While proclaiming that
a solution to the Tamil problem must be found through peaceful means,
India is giving encouragement to the military approach of the Sinhala
State. This can only lead to the intensification of the genocide against
the Tamils.”
A pro-LTTE Sri Lankan Tamil
MP said recently, “We are optimistic even during this darkest hour.
The Sri Lankan government will ditch India in favour of the Chinese in
due course. Then India will have to change its policy and support the
Tamils as Indira Gandhi did during her time.” Whatever may be the
future twists and turns in South Asia’s highly unpredictable diplomatic
world, as of now India cannot disown responsibility for its part in the
Eelam tragedy.
WRITER’S
E-MAIL
vinoj@tehelka.com
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