The Ghosts of
out into a perfectly ordinary day, on October 31, 1984, writer Amitav
Ghosh was sucked into the cataclysm that gripped the country. Writing
years later, he rakes through his memories and tries to make sense of
the violence that followed in this spare and deeply moving essay
Nowhere else in the
world did the year 1984 fulfill its apocalyptic portents as it did in
India. Separatist violence in Punjab, the military attack on the great
Sikh temple of Amritsar; the assassination of the Prime Minister, Mrs
Indira Gandhi; riots in several cities; the gas disaster in Bhopal —
the events followed relentlessly on each other. There were days in 1984
when it took courage to open the New Delhi papers in the morning.
the hospital where Mrs Gandhi lay, a large crowd had gathered.
This was no ordinary crowd: It seemed to consist of red-eyed young
men in half-buttoned shirts. My Sikh fellow-passenger was
showing signs of anxiety. It was too late to get off the bus
Of the year’s many catastrophes, the sectarian violence following
Mrs Gandhi’s death had the greatest effect on my life. Looking back,
I see that the experiences of that period were profoundly important to
my development as a writer; so much so that I have never attempted to
write about them until now.
At that time, I was living in a part of New Delhi called Defence Colony
— a neighborhood of large, labyrinthine houses, with little self-contained
warrens of servants’ rooms tucked away on roof-tops and above garages.
When I lived there, those rooms had come to house a floating population
of the young and straitened journalists, copywriters, minor executives,
and university people like myself. We battened upon this wealthy enclave
like mites in a honeycomb, spreading from rooftop to rooftop. Our ramshackle
lives curtailed from our landlords by chiffon-draped washing lines and
thickets of TV serials.
I was 28. The city I considered home was Calcutta, but New Delhi was where
I had spent all my adult life except for a few years in England and Egypt.
I had returned to India two years before, upon completing a doctorate
at Oxford, and recently found a teaching job at Delhi University. But
it was in the privacy of my baking rooftop hutch that my real life was
lived. I was writing my first novel, in the classic fashion, perched in
On the morning of October 31, the day of Mrs Gandhi’s death, I caught
a bus to Delhi University, as usual, at about half past nine. From where
I lived, it took an hour and half; a long commute, but not an exceptional
one for New Delhi. The assassination had occurred shortly before, just
a few miles away, but I had no knowledge of this when I boarded the bus.
Nor did I notice anything untoward at any point during the ninety-minute
journey. But the news, travelling by word of mouth, raced my bus to the
When I walked into the grounds, I saw not the usual boisterous, frisbee-throwing
crowd of students but a small group of people standing intently around
a transistor radio. A young man detached himself from one of the huddles
and approached me, his mouth twisted into a light tipped, knowing smile
that seems always to accompany the gambit “Have you heard…?”
was humming, he said. No one knew for sure, but it was being said that
Mrs Gandhi had been shot. The word was that she had been assassinated
by two Sikh bodyguards, in revenge for her having sent troops to raid
the Sikhs’ Golden Temple in Amritsar earlier that year.
Just before stepping into the lecture room, I heard a report on All India
Radio, the national network: Mrs Gandhi had been rushed to hospital after
her attempted assassination.
Nothing stopped: the momentum of the daily routine carried things forward.
I went into a classroom and began my lecture, but not many students had
shown up and those who had were distracted and distant; there was a lot
Halfway through the class, I looked out through the room’s single,
slit-like window. The sunlight lay bright on the lawn below and on the
trees beyond. It was the time of year when Delhi was at its best, crisp
and cool. Its abundant greenery freshly watered by the recently retreated
monsoons, its skies washed sparkling clean. By the time I turned back,
I had forgotten what I was saying and had to reach for my notes.
My unsteadiness surprised me. I was not an uncritical admirer of Mrs Gandhi.
Her brief period of semi-dictatorial rule in the mid-seventies was still
alive in my memory. But the ghastliness of her sudden murder was a reminder
of the very real qualities that had been taken for granted: her fortitude,
her dignity, her physical courage, her endurance. Yet it was just not
grief I felt at the moment. Rather, it was a sense of something loose,
of a mooring coming untied somewhere within.
The first reliable report of Mrs Gandhi’s death was broadcast from
Karachi, by Pakistan, at around 1:30 pm. On All India Radio, the regular
broadcast had been replaced by music.
I left the university in the late afternoon with a friend, Hari Sen, who
lived at the other end of the city. I needed to make a long-distance call,
and he had offered to let me use his family telephone.
To get to Hari’s
house we had to change buses at Connaught Place, that elegant circular
arcade that lies at the geographical heart of Delhi, linking the old city
with the new. As the bus swung around the periphery of the arcade, I noticed
that the shops, stalls, and eateries were beginning to shut down, even
though it was still afternoon.
out into a
perfectly ordinary day,
on October 31, 1984, writer Amitav Ghosh
was sucked into the
cataclysm that gripped
the country. Writing
years later, he rakes through his memories and tries to make sense
of the violence that
followed in this spare
and deeply moving essay
Our next bus was not quite full, which was unusual. Just as it was pulling
out, a man ran out of an office and jumped on. He was middle-aged and
dressed in shirt and trousers, evidently an employee in one of the government
buildings. He was a Sikh, but I scarcely noticed this at the time.
He probably jumped on without giving the matter any thought, this being
his regular, daily bus. But, as it happened, on this day no choice could
have been more unfortunate, for the route of the bus went past the hospital
where Indira Gandhi’s body then lay. Certain loyalists in her party
had begun inciting the crowds gathered there to seek revenge. The motorcade
of Giani Zail Singh, the President of the Republic, a Sikh, had already
been attacked by a mob.
None of this was known to us then, and we would never have suspected it:
violence had never been directed at the Sikhs in Delhi.
As the bus made its way down New Delhi’s broad, tree-lined avenues,
official-looking cars, with outriders and escorts, overtook us, speeding
toward the hospital. As we drew nearer, it became evident that a large
number of people had gathered there. But this was no ordinary crowd: it
seemed to consist of red-eyed young men in half-buttoned shirts. It was
now that I noticed that my Sikh fellow-passenger was showing signs of
anxiety, sometimes standing up to look out, sometimes glancing out the
door. It was too late to get off the bus; the thugs were everywhere.
The bands of young men grew more and more menacing as we approached the
hospital. There was a watchfulness about them; some were armed with steel
rods and bicycle chains; others had fanned out across the busy road and
were stopping cars and buses.
A stout woman in a sari sitting across the aisle from me was the first
to understand what was going on. Rising to her feet, she gestured urgently
at the Sikh, who was sitting hunched in his seat. She hissed at him in
Hindi, telling him to get down and keep out of sight.
The man started in surprise and squeezed himself into the narrow footspace
between the seats. Minutes later, our bus was intercepted by a group of
young men dressed in bright, sharp synthetics. Several had bicycle chains
wrapped around their wrists. They ran along beside the bus as it slowed
to a halt. We heard them call out to the driver through the open door,
asking if there were any Sikhs in the bus.
The driver shook his head. No, he said, there were no Sikhs in the bus.
A few rows ahead of me, the crouching turbaned figure had gone completely
Outside, some of the young men were jumping up to look through the windows,
asking if there were any Sikhs in the bus. There was no anger in their
voices; that was the most chilling thing of all.
No, someone said, and immediately other voices picked up the refrain.
Soon all the passengers were shaking their heads and saying, no, no, let
us go now, we have to get home.
Eventually, the thugs stepped back and waved us through. Nobody said a
word as we sped away down Ring Road.
sen lived in one of New Delhi’s recently developed residential colonies.
It was called Safdarjung Enclave, and it was neatly and solidly middle-class,
a neighborhood of aspiration rather than opulence. Like most such suburbs,
the area had a mixed population: Sikhs were well represented.
A long street ran from end to end of the neighborhood, like the spine
of a comb, with parallel side streets running off it. Hari lived at the
end of one of those streets, in a fairly typical, big, one-storey bungalow.
The house next door, however, was much grander and uncharacteristically
daring in design. An angular structure, it was perched rakishly on stilts.
Mr Bawa, the owner, was an elderly Sikh who had spent a long time abroad,
working with various international organisations. For several years he
had resided in Southeast Asia; thus the stilts.
Hari lived with his family in a household so large and eccentric that
it had come to be known among his friends as Macondo, after Gabriel Garcia
Marquez’s magical village. On this occasion, however, only his mother
and teenage sister were at home. I decided to stay over.
It was a bright morning. When I stepped into the sunshine, I came upon
a sight that I could never have imagined. In every direction, columns
of smoke rose slowly into a limpid sky. Sikh houses and businesses were
burning. The fires were so carefully targeted that they created an effect
quite different from that of a general conflagration: it was like looking
upward into the vault of some vast pillared hall.
The columns of smoke increased in number even as I stood outside watching.
Some fires were burning a short distance away. I spoke to a passerby and
learned that several nearby Sikh houses had been looted and set on fire
that morning. The mob had started at the far end of the colony and was
working its way in our direction. Hindus or Muslims who had sheltered
Sikhs were also being attacked; their houses too were being looted and
It was still and quiet, eerily so. The usual sounds of rush-hour traffic
were absent. But every so often we heard a speeding car or a motorcycle
on the main street. Later, we learnt that these mysterious speeding vehicles
were instrumental in directing the carnage that was taking place. Protected
by certain politicians, ‘organisers’ were zooming around the
city, assembling the mobs and transporting them to Sikh-owned houses and
Apparently, the transportation
was provided free. A civil-rights report published shortly afterward stated
that this phase of violence “began with the arrival of groups of
armed people in tempo vans, scooters, motorcycles or trucks,” and
went on to say, “With cans of petrol they went around the localities
and systematically set fire to Sikh-houses, shops and gurdwaras…the
targets were primarily young Sikhs. They were dragged out, beaten up and
then burned alive… In all the affected spots, a calculated attempt
to terrorise the people was evident in the common tendency among the assailants
to burn alive Sikhs on public roads.”
do you explain to someone who has spent a lifetime cocooned in
privilege that a potentially terminal rent has appeared in the
wrappings? We found ourselves faltering.
Mr Bawa could not bring himself to believe that a mob might attack
him. He sent us off with jovial pats on our backs
Fire was everywhere; it was the day’s motif. Throughout the city,
Sikh houses were being looted and then set on fire, often with their occupants
A survivor — a woman who lost her husband and three sons —
offered the following account to Veena Das, a Delhi sociologist: Some
people, the neighbours and one of my relatives, said it would be better
if we hid in an abandoned house nearby. So my husband took our three sons
and hid there. We locked the house from outside, but there was treachery
in people’s hearts. Someone must have told the crowd. They baited
him to come out. Then they poured kerosene on that house. They burnt them
alive. When I went there that night, the bodies of my sons were on the
loft — huddled together.
the next few days, some 2,500 people died in Delhi alone. Thousands more
died in other cities. The total death toll will never be known. The dead
were overwhelmingly Sikh men. Entire neighborhoods were gutted; tens of
thousands of people were left homeless.
Like many other members of my generation, I grew up believing that mass
slaughter of the kind that accompanied the Partition of India and Pakistan,
in 1947, could never happen again. But that morning in the city of Delhi,
the violence had reached the same level of intensity.
As Hari and I stood staring into the smoke-streaked sky, Mrs Sen, Hari’s
mother, was thinking of matters closer at hand. She was about fifty, a
tall, graceful woman with a gentle, soft-spoken manner. In an understated
way, she was also deeply religious, a devout Hindu. When she heard what
was happening, she picked up the phone and called Mr and Mrs Bawa, the
elderly Sikh couple next door, to let them know that they were welcome
to come over. She met with an unexpected response: an awkward silence.
Mrs Bawa thought she was joking, and wasn’t sure whether to be amused
Toward midday, Mrs Sen received a phone call: the mob was now in the immediate
neighborhood, advancing systematically from street to street. Hari decided
that it was time to go over and have a talk with the Bawas. I went along.
Mr Bawa proved to be a small, slight man. Although he was casually dressed,
his turban was neatly tied and his beard was carefully combed and bound.
He was puzzled by our visit. After a polite greeting, he asked what he
could do for us. It fell to Hari to explain.
Mr Bawa had heard about Mrs Gandhi’s assassination, of course, and
he knew there had been some trouble. But he could not understand why these
“disturbances” should impinge on him or his wife. He had no
more sympathy for Sikh terrorists than we did; his revulsion at the assassination
was, if anything, even greater than ours. Not only was his commitment
to India and the Indian state absolute but it was evident from his bearing
that he belonged to the country’s ruling elite.
How do you explain to someone who has spent a lifetime cocooned in privilege
that a potentially terminal rent has appeared in the wrappings? We found
ourselves faltering. Mr Bawa could not bring himself to believe that a
mob might attack him. By the time we left, it was Mr Bawa who was mouthing
reassurances. He sent us off with jovial pats on our backs. He didn’t
actually say “buck up”, but his manner said it for him.
We were confident that the government would soon act to stop the violence.
In India, there is a drill associated with civil disturbances: a curfew
is declared; paramilitary units are deployed; in extreme cases the Army
marches to the stricken areas. No city in India is better equipped to
perform this drill than New Delhi, with its huge security apparatus. We
learned later that in some cities — Calcutta, for example, the state
authorities did act promptly to prevent violence. But in New Delhi —
and much of North India — hours followed without a response.
Every few minutes we turned to the radio, hoping to hear that the Army
had been ordered out. All we heard was mournful music and descriptions
of Mrs Gandhi’s lying in state; of coming and goings of dignitaries,
foreign and national. The bulletins could have been messages from another
As the afternoon progressed, we continued to hear reports of the mob’s
steady advance. Before long, it had reached the next alley: we could hear
the voices; the smoke was everywhere. There was still no sign of army
Hari again called Mr Bawa, and now the flames visible from his windows,
he was more receptive. He agreed to come over with his wife, just for
a short while. But there was a problem: How? The two properties were separated
by a shoulder-high wall, so it was impossible to walk from one house to
the other except along the street.
I spotted a few thugs already at the end of the street. We could hear
the occasional motorcycle, cruising slowly up and down. The Bawas could
not risk stepping out in the street. They would be seen: the sun had dipped
low in the sky, but it was still light. Mr Bawa baulked at the thought
of climbing over the wall: it seemed an insuperable obstacle at his age.
But eventually Hari persuaded him to try.
husband took our three sons and hid in an abandoned house nearby.
We locked the house from outside but there was treachery in people’s
hearts. When I went there that night,
the burnt bodies of my sons were on the loft huddled together’
went to wait for them at the back of the Sen’s house — in
a spot that was well sheltered from the street. The mob seemed terrifyingly
close, the Bawas reckless in their tardiness. A long time passed before
the elderly couple finally appeared, hurrying towards us. Mr Bawa had
changed before leaving the house: he was neatly dressed, dapper even,
in a blazer and cravat. Their cook was with them, and it was with his
assistance that they made it over the wall. The cook, who was Hindu, then
returned to the house to stand guard.
Hari led the Bawas into the drawing room, where Mrs Sen was waiting dressed
in a chiffon sari. The room was large and well appointed, its walls hung
with a rare and beautiful set of miniatures. With the curtains now drawn
and the lamps lit, it was warm and welcoming. But all that lay between
us and the mob in the street was a row of curtained French windows and
a garden wall.
Mrs Sen greeted the elderly couple with folded hands as they came in.
The three seated themselves in an intimate circle, and soon a silver tea
tray appeared. Instantly, all constraint evaporated, and, to the tinkling
of porcelain, the conversation turned to the staples of New Delhi drawing-room
I could not bring myself to sit down. I stood in the corridor, distracted,
looking outside through the front entrance. A couple of scouts on motorcycles
had drawn up next door. They had dismounted and were inspecting the house,
walking in among the concrete stilts, looking up into the house. Somehow,
they got wind of the cook’s presence and called him out.
The cook was very frightened. He was surrounded by thugs thrusting knives
in his face and shouting questions. It was dark, and some were carrying
kerosene torches. Wasn’t it true, they shouted, that his employers
were Sikhs. Where were they? Were they hiding inside? Who owned the house
— Hindus or Sikhs?
Hari and I hid behind the wall and listened to the interrogation. Our
fates depended on this lone, frightened man. We had no idea what he would
do: of how secure the Bawas were of his loyalties, or whether he might
seek revenge for some past slight by revealing their whereabouts. If he
did, both houses would burn.
Although stuttering in terror, the cook held his own. Yes, he said, yes,
his employers were Sikhs but they had left town: there was no one in the
house. No, the house didn’t belong to them; they were renting from
He succeeded in persuading most of the thugs, but a few eyed the surrounding
houses suspiciously. Some appeared at the steel gates in front of us,
rattling the bars.
We went up and positioned ourselves at the gates. I remember a strange
sense of disconnection as I walked down the driveway, as though I was
watching myself from somewhere very distant.
We took hold of the gates and shouted back: Get away! You have no business
here. There’s no one inside! The house is empty!
To my surprise, they began to drift away, one by one. Just before this,
I had stepped into the house to see how Mrs Sen and the Bawas were faring.
The thugs were clearly audible in the lamplit drawing room; only a thin
curtain shielded the interior from their view.
My memory of what I saw in the drawing room is uncannily vivid. Mrs Sen
had a slight smile on her face as she poured a cup of tea for Mr Bawa.
Beside her, Mrs Bawa, in a firm, unwavering voice, was comparing the domestic-help
situations in New Delhi and Manila.
I was awed by their courage. The
next morning, I heard about a protest that was being organised at the
large compound of a relief agency. When I arrived, a meeting was
already underway, a gathering of 70 or 80 people.
The mood was sombre. Some of the people spoke of neighborhoods that had
been taken over by vengeful mobs. They described countless murders —
mainly by setting the victims alight — as well as terrible destruction:
the burning of Sikh temples, the looting of Sikh schools, the razing of
Sikh homes and shops. The violence was worse than I had imagined. It was
decided that the most effective initial tactic would be to march into
one of the badly affected neighborhoods and confront the rioters directly.
The group had grown to 150 men and women, among them were Swami Agnivesh,
a Hindu ascetic; Ravi Chopra, a scientist and environmentalist; and a
handful of opposition politicians, including Chandrashekhar, who became
prime minister for a brief period several years later.
The group was pitifully small by the standards of a city where crowds
of several hundred thousand were routinely mustered for political rallies.
Nevertheless, the members rose to their feet and began to march.
Years before, I had
read a passage by VS Naipaul, which had stayed with me ever since. I have
never been able to find it again, so this account is from memory. In his
incomparable prose, Naipaul describes a demonstration. He is in a hotel
room, somewhere in Africa or South America; he looks down and sees people
marching past. To his surprise, the sight fills him with an obscure longing,
a kind of melancholy, he is aware of a wish to go out, to join, to merge
his concerns with theirs. Yet he knows he never will; it is simply not
in his nature to join crowds.
the mob advanced on us, brandishing knives and steel rods, we
stopped. A kind of rapture descended on us, exhilaration in anticipation
of a climax. Then something happened that I have never completely
For many years, I read everything of Naipaul’s I could lay my hands
on; I couldn’t have enough of him. I read him with the intimate,
appalled attention that one reserves for one’s most skillful interlocutors.
It was he who first made it possible for me to think of myself as a writer,
working in English.
I remembered the passage because I believed that I, too, was not a joiner,
and in Naipaul’s pitiless mirror I thought I had seen an aspect
of myself rendered visible. Yet as this forlorn little group marched out
of the shelter of the compound I did not hesitate for a moment: without
a second thought, I joined.
The march headed first to Lajpat Nagar, a busy commercial area a mile
or so away. I knew the area. Though it was in New Delhi, its streets resembled
the older parts of the city, where small cramped shops tended to spill
out into the footpaths.
We were shouting slogans as we marched: hoary Gandhian staples of peace
and brotherhood from half a century before. Then, suddenly, we were confronted
with a starkly familiar spectacle, an image of twentieth century urban
horror: burned out cars, their ransacked interiors visible through smashed
windows; debris and rubble everywhere. Blackened pots had been strewn
along the street. A cinema had been gutted, and the charred faces of film
stars stared out at us from half-burned posters.
As I think back to that march, my memory breaks down, details dissolve.
I recently telephoned some friends who had been there. Their memories
are similar to mine in only one respect; they, too, clung to one scene
while successfully ridding their minds of the rest. The scene my memory
preserved is of a moment when it seemed inevitable that we would be attacked.
Rounding a corner, we found ourselves facing a crowd that was larger and
more determined-looking than any other crowd that we had encountered.
On each previous occasion, we had prevailed by marching at the thugs and
engaging them directly in dialogues that turned quickly into extended
shouting matches. In every instance, we had succeeded in facing them down.
But this particular mob was intent on confrontation. As its members advanced
on us, brandishing knives and steel rods, we stopped. Our voices grew
louder as they came towards us; a kind of rapture descended on us, exhilaration
in anticipation of a climax. We braced for the attack, leaning forward
as though into a wind.
And then something happened that I have never completely understood. Nothing
was said; there was no signal, nor was there any break in the rhythm of
our chanting. But suddenly all the women in our group — and the
women made up more than half of the group’s numbers — stepped
out and surrounded the men; their saris and kameezes became a thin, fluttering
barrier, a wall around us. They turned to face the approaching men, challenging
them, daring them to attack.
The thugs took a few more steps toward us and then faltered, confused.
A moment later, they were gone.
The march ended at
the walled compound where it had started. In the next couple of hours,
an organisation was created, the Nagrik Ekta Manch, or Citizens’
Unity Front, and its work — to bring relief to the injured and the
bereft, to shelter the homeless — began the next morning. Food and
clothing were needed, and camps had to be established to accommodate the
thousands of people with nowhere to sleep. By the next day we were overwhelmed
— literally. The large compound was crowded with van-loads of blankets,
second-hand clothing, shoes and sacks of flour, sugar and tea. Previously
hard-nosed unsentimental businessmen sent cars and trucks. There was barely
room to move.
was I to write
about what I had seen
without reducing it to
a mere spectacle?
In such incendiary
cost lives and it is only
appropriate that those
who deal in words
should pay scrupulous
attention to what
My own role in the Front was slight. For a few weeks, I worked with a
team from Delhi University, distributing supplies in the slums and working-class
neighborhoods that had been worst hit by the rioting. Then I returned
to my desk.
In time, inevitably, most of the Front’s volunteers returned to
their everyday lives. But some members — most notably the women
involved in the running of the refugee camps — continued to work
for years afterward with Sikh women and children who had been rendered
homeless. Jaya Jaitley, Lalita Ramdas, Veena Das, Mita Bose, Radha Kumar:
these women, each one an accomplished professional, gave up years of their
time to repair the enormous damage that had been done in a matter of two
or three days.
front also formed a team to investigate the riots. I briefly considered
joining, but then decided that an investigation would be a waste of time
because politicians capable of inciting violence were unlikely to heed
a tiny group of concerned citizens.
I was wrong. A document eventually produced by this team — a slim
pamphlet entitled Who Are the Guilty? — has become a classic, a
searing indictment of the politicians who encouraged the riots and the
police who allowed the rioters to have their way.
Over the years the Indian government has compensated some of the survivors
of the 1984 violence and resettled some of the homeless. One gap remains:
to this day, no instigator of the riots has been charged. But the pressure
on the government has never gone away, and it continues to grow: every
year, the nails hammered in by that slim document dig just a little deeper.
pamphlet and others that followed are testaments to the only humane possibility
available to people who live in multi-ethnic, multi-religious societies
like those of the Indian sub-continent. Human-rights documents such as
Who Are the Guilty? are essential to the process of broadening civil institutions:
they are weapons with which society asserts itself against a state that
runs criminally amok, as the one that did in Delhi in the November of
It is heartening that sanity prevails today in Punjab. But not elsewhere.
In Bombay, local government officials want to stop any public buildings
from being painted green — a colour associated with the Muslim religion.
And hundreds of the city’s Muslims have been deported from the city
slums — in at least one case for committing an offence no graver
than reading a Bengali newspaper. It is imperative that the government
insure that those who instigate mass violence do not go unpunished.
The Bosnian writer Dzevad Karahasan, in a remarkable essay called ‘Literature
and War’ (published in the collection Sarajevo: Exodus of a City),
makes a startling connection between modern literary aestheticism and
the contemporary world’s indifference to violence: ‘The decision
to perceive literally everything as an aesthetic phenomenon — completely
sidestepping questions about goodness and truth — is an artistic
decision. That decision started in the realm of art, and went on to become
characteristic of the contemporary world.’
When I went back to my desk in November 1984, I found myself confronting
decisions about writing that I had never faced before. How was I to write
about what I had seen without reducing it to a mere spectacle?
My next novel was bound
to be influenced by my experiences, but I could see no way of writing
directly about those events without recreating them as a panorama of violence
— “an aesthetic phenomenon”, as Karahasan was to call
it. At the time, the idea seemed obscene and futile; of much greater importance
were factual reports of the testimony of the victims. But these were already
being done by people who were, I knew, more competent than I could be.
I think of the women
staring down the mob, I am not
filled with writerly wonder.
I am reminded of my gratitude
for being saved from injury.
I had witnessed the risks that
perfectly ordinary people were
willing to take for one other
ithin a few months, I started my novel, which I eventually called The
Shadow Lines — a book that led me backward in time, to earlier memories
of riots, ones witnessed in childhood. It became a book not about any
one event but about the meaning of such events and their effects on the
individuals who live through them.
And until now I have never really written about what I saw in November
1984. I am not alone: several others who took part in that march went
on to publish books, yet nobody, so far as I know, has ever written about
it except in passing.
There are good reasons for this, not least the politics of the situation,
which leave so little room for the writer. The riots were generated by
a cycle of violence, involving terrorists in Punjab on the one hand, and
the Indian government on the other. To write carelessly in such a way
as to endorse terrorism or repression, can add easily to the problem:
in such incendiary circumstances, words cost lives, and it is only appropriate
that those who deal in words should pay scrupulous attention to what they
say. It is only appropriate that they should find themselves inhibited.
But there is also a simpler explanation. Before I could set down a word,
I had to resolve a dilemma, between being a writer and being a citizen.
As a writer, I had only obvious subjects: the violence. From the news
report, or the latest film or novel, we have come to expect the bloody
detail or the elegantly staged conflagration that closes a chapter or
effects a climax. But it is worth asking if the very obviousness of this
subject arises out of our modern conventions of representations: within
the dominant aesthetic of our time — the aesthetic of what Karahasan
calls “indifference” — it is all too easy to present
violence as an apocalyptic spectacle, while the resistance to it can as
easily figure as mere sentimentality, or worse, as pathetic or absurd.
Writers don’t join crowds — Naipaul and so many others teach
us that. But what do you do when the Constitutional authority fails to
act? You join, and in joining bear all the responsibility and obligations
and guilt that joining represents. My experience of the violence was overwhelming
and memorable for the resistance to it. When I think of the women staring
down the mob, I am not filled with writerly wonder. I am reminded of my
gratitude for being saved from injury. What I saw at firsthand —
and not merely on that march but on the bus, in Hari’s house, in
the huge compound filled with essential goods — was not the horror
of violence but the affirmation of humanity: in each case, I witnessed
the risks that perfectly ordinary people were willing to take for one
When I now read descriptions of troubled parts of the world, in which
violence appears primordial and inevitable, a fate to which masses of
people are largely resigned, I find myself asking: Is that all there was
to it? Or is it possible that the authors of these descriptions failed
to find a form — or a style or a voice or a plot — that could
accommodate both violence and the civilised, willed response to it?
The truth is that the commonest response to violence is one of repugnance,
and that a significant number of people everywhere try to oppose it in
whatever way they can. That these effects so rarely appear in accounts
of violence is not surprising: they are too undramatic. For those who
participate in them, they are often hard to write about for the very reasons
that so long delayed my own account of 1984.
“Let us not fool ourselves,” Karahasan writes. “The
world is written first — the Holy Books say that it was created
in words and all that happens in it, happens in language first.”
It is when we think of the world that the aesthetic of indifference might
bring into being that we recognise the urgency of remembering the stories
we have not written.
piece was published in the collection The Imam and the Indian. ©